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This article will address the topic of Hrusish languages, which has currently generated great interest. Since its inception, Hrusish languages has been the subject of analysis and debate in different areas, generating conflicting opinions and diverse positions. Given the relevance and complexity of Hrusish languages, it is essential to deepen its study to understand its impact and implications in today's society. In this sense, an exhaustive analysis of Hrusish languages will be carried out, addressing its most relevant aspects and offering a comprehensive vision that allows the reader to delve into its meaning and scope. In addition, different perspectives and approaches will be considered that contribute to enriching the understanding of Hrusish languages, thus providing a global and multifaceted vision of this broad and significant topic.
Hrusish | |
---|---|
Southeast Kamengic Hruso-Miji | |
Geographic distribution | Arunachal Pradesh |
Linguistic classification | Sino-Tibetan? |
Subdivisions | |
Glottolog | hrus1242 (Hruso) miji1239 (Miji) |
The Hrusish or Southeast Kamengic languages possibly constitute a Sino-Tibetan branch in Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India. They are Hruso (Aka) and Mijiic. In Glottolog, Hammarström, et al. does not accept Hrusish, and considers similarities between Hruso and Miji to be due to loanwords.
George van Driem (2014) and Bodt & Lieberherr (2015) use the name Hrusish, while Anderson (2014) prefers Southeast Kamengic.
Anderson (2014) considers Hrusish to be a branch of Tibeto-Burman. However, Blench and Post (2011) suggest that the Hruso languages likely constitute an independent language family.
Bodt's & Lieberherr's (2015:69) internal classification of the Hrusish languages is as follows.
The following comparative vocabulary table of Hrusish vocabulary items (Bangru, Miji, and Hruso) is from Anderson (2014), with additional Bangru data from Li (2003). Anderson's (2014) Hruso data is from Anderson's own field notes and from Simon (1970). Anderson's (2014) Miji data is from his own field notes as well as Simon (1979) and Weedall (2014). Bangru data is from Ramya (2011, 2012).
Gloss | Bangru (Li 2003) | Bangru (Anderson 2014) | Miji (Anderson 2014) | Hruso (Anderson 2014) |
---|---|---|---|---|
sun | dʑu˥wai˥˧ | dʒu | dʒo ~ zuʔ; zo ~ ʒʲoʔ | dʒu ~ dʑu; dʲu |
snow | də˧˩ɣai˥ | tene | dɨlen; təlɛn | tʰiɲɲo |
ashes | laʔ˥bu˥˧ | lag-bow | maj-bu | xukʰes-pu |
mother's brother | - | kiː-ni | a-kʰiw; akju | a-kʰi |
son | mə˧˩dʑu˥ | mu-dʒu-ɲiːib | zu | sou ~ sa ~ seu |
I | ȵoŋ˥ | ɲo(ʔ) | ɲaŋ | nɔ |
we | ga˧˩ni˥ | k-aɲi | aɲi | ɲi |
bear | si˥tsuaŋ˥ | sutʃow | ʃutsaŋ | sitso ~ sutso |
insect(s) | bə˧˩loŋ˥ | beloŋ-siɲi | biluʔŋ; bəɫuʔŋ; biluŋʰ | bəlu |
nose | mə˧˩ȵi˧guaŋ˥˧ | mi-niː-ko | ɲi | un-su ~ nu-su |
hand | mə˧˩gai˥ | me-gej | (mə)gi | əgzə |
thumb ('hand' + 'mother') | - | me-gej-nea | gi-nuiʔ; gi-batʃo | əgzə-i-aɲ |
saliva, spit | - | je | ʒeʔ | ze-mdʑiu; əʒʲəxu ~ əɣʲəxu |
sleep | dʑe˥ | zeu | dʒi | dʒum |
dream | dai˥mu˧˩mu˥ | tjameiː | tajme | tʰimjeu |
four | bu˧˩rai˥ | poraji | bli; b(ə)le | pʰiri; pʰiji |
five | buŋ˥ | puŋ | bungu, buŋu | pʰum ~ pʰóm |
six | rai˥˧ | reh | reʔ; reʔ ~ réʔ | rijɛ; ʑje |
seven | muai˥˧ | moji | myaʔ, mjaʔ | mrjo; mrɔ |
eight | sə˧˩cai˥˧ | sagaik | sɨgiʔ, sɨgeʔ; səguj | səgzə ~ sɨgdʒɨ ~ sɨɣdʒɨ |
nine | sə˧˩təŋ˥ | sataŋ | sɨtʰɨn; stʰɨn; stən | stʰə; stʰɨ ~ stʰə |
ten | rəŋ˥ | raŋ | lin; lən | ʁə; ʁɨ ~ ʁə |
bow | - | karaik | gɨriʔ; gəri | kʰiri |
dry | mə˧˩ci˥ | miː-kji | mɨ-kʰyang; məkjaŋ | kʰrou |
mother | a˧˩nai˥˧ | aːneja | aɲʲi | aɲi; aɲ |
red | ja˧˩dʑu˥˧ | ja-tʃuk | mu-tsu | tsu |
stream | - | wu-dʒu | vu-zuʔ 'creek' | xu-sa |
shoulder | mə˧˩pu˥zi˥ | m-podʒ | pas-t(ʰ)uŋ; pastoŋ | ə-pos-tu |
finger | mə˧˩gai˥tsuo˥˧ | me-gej-tʃowa | gi-tsoʔ; məgitso | əgzi-tsə |
pig | ʑəu˥˧ | dʒu | ʒo; ʒoʔ | vo |
bird ('bird' + 'son/child') | pu˥dʑu˧˩ | pu-dʒu | buzu(ʔ); bɨ-zɨ ~ b-zɨ ~ bə-zu ~ bə-zə; bə-zuʔ | mu-su |
seed | - | mete | tʰei-zʰo; (me)tẽ | isi; dʒʲe; ʃe-die |
Proto-Hrusish has been reconstructed in by Bodt & Lieberherr (2015). Bodt & Lieberherr (2015:101) note that Proto-Hrusish displays a sound change from Proto-Tibeto-Burman *s- to t-, which they note had also occurred in Bodo-Garo, Kuki-Chin, Tangkhulic, Central Naga, and Karbi languages. The Proto-Tibeto-Burman *-l and -r have also been lost in Proto-Hrusish.
Reconstructed Proto-Hrusish forms from Bodt & Lieberherr (2015) are given below.